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what was the main reason the league of nations was unable to provide aid to ethiopia in 1934

Written By Friday, April 8, 2022 Add Comment Edit

"Appeal to the League of Nation Haile Selassie" is the name of a speech given by the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I on June 30, 1936 at the headquarters of the League of Nations in Geneva, Switzerland. The League allowed him to declare his case and his appearance before the assembled delegates was a moment in history that few who witnessed forgot. The speech concerned the fascist aggression during the second Italo-Ethiopian State of war in Ethiopia, where the emperor of Ethiopia mainly asked for the terminate of the state of war and for international treaties to be respected and for his extreme trust and confidence in the system of the League of Nations, unity among peoples and nations and declare chemic aggression.

In the discourse at that place is a function that knows prophetic, about what would accept happened a few years afterwards:

«I assert that the issue before the Assembly today is not merely a question of the settlement in the matter of Italian aggression. Information technology is a question of collective security; of the very existence of the League; of the trust placed by states in international treaties; if the value of promises made to small states that their integrity and independence shall exist respected and bodacious... In a word, It is international morality that is at pale...

—Haile Selassie I

Is the end of the spoken communication:

«With calm nobility, the emperor prophetically said, "It is us today, it volition be you tomorrow..."

—Haile Selassie I

Opening [edit]

«I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to information technology eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that assailment had been committed in violation of international treaties.

There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But at that place is also no precedent for a people existence victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Besides, there has never before been an instance of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the nigh solemn promises fabricated by the nations of the earth that in that location should not be used confronting innocent man beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come up to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.[ane] I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have merely been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses. It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Regime has made state of war. It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them.[2]

At the start, towards the end of 1935, Italian shipping hurled upon my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were just slight. The soldiers learned to besprinkle, waiting until the wind had speedily dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft and then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this ways too was not effective; the liquid afflicted only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger.[iii] Information technology was at the fourth dimension when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which information technology is at present my duty to denounce to the earth. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of ix, fifteen, 18 aircraft followed i another then that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sail. It was thus that, every bit from the stop of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more than surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command fabricated its aircraft pass over and over over again. That was its principal method of warfare.»

—Haile Selassie I

Ravage and Terror [edit]

«The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the almost densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fearfulness and death over a swell part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The mortiferous rain that fell from the aircraft fabricated all those whom information technology touched fly shrieking with hurting. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected nutrient also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in club to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in artillery could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any respond; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come up myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a alarm of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.[four] Is information technology necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years by, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my state the benefits of civilization, and in detail to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in final with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatever, to force of arms, substituting for strength and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international lodge.»[v]

—Haile Selassie I

Country More United [edit]

«In its report of Oct 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments idea that the entry of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help her to achieve a college level of civilization. It does non seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the fundamental power is improve obeyed. I should take procured withal greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been put in the manner by the Italian Government, the Authorities which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Regime, as information technology has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their but object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Government asserts that for fourteen years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when information technology ended the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing state of war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Authorities was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security which would enable information technology to reach further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set up its feet, and to which it was devoting all its force and all its center.»[half dozen]

—Haile Selassie I

Wal-Wal Pretext [edit]

«The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to entreatment to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the fourth dimension when a sure Government considered that the European situation made information technology imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The toll paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian Government. This underground agreement, opposite to the obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a cracking influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole earth have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences.[7]

This first violation of the Covenant was followed past many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Federal democratic republic of ethiopia, the Rome Authorities feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might perchance non overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the style with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and mediation. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that process. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was ready pressure level was exercised so that an accolade favourable to Italy should be given.[eight]

All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Federal democratic republic of ethiopia.»

—Haile Selassie I

Peace Efforts [edit]

«Post-obit on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Regime. The Associates was informed past the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred afterwards the month of December, 1934, and up to Oct tertiary, 1935.[9]

It will exist sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints fabricated by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's kickoff entreatment to the Quango had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the basis that the merely advisable procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that menstruation, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Quango by the Italian Government every bit necessary for the defence of its colonies menaced past Ethiopia'due south preparations. Federal democratic republic of ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements fabricated in Italian republic which, in its opinion, left no doubt "every bit to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government.[ten] From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully conduct out the arbitral honour fifty-fifty if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the buying of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, considering the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to whatever enquiries upon which the Council might decide.

In one case the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled past arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in back up of its claim to freedom of action. Information technology asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot exist settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its most uncomplicated duty, did information technology not cease one time and for all to identify any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests.»[11]

—Haile Selassie I

Covenant Violated [edit]

«Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Authorities had violated the Covenant and was in a state of assailment. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for state of war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.[12]

In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would non triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of correct and the failure of violence.[13] I enquire the l-ii nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the earth. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, arms, munitions, hospital services, my conviction in the League was absolute. I thought it to exist incommunicable that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the earth, should be successfully opposed past a unmarried aggressor. Counting on the organized religion due to treaties, I had made no grooming for state of war, and that is the case with certain pocket-size countries in Europe.[14]

When the danger became more than urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people, during the beginning half dozen months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to forbid my doing then, whereas the Italian Authorities through the Suez Culvert, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.»

—Haile Selassie I

Forced to Mobilize [edit]

«On October tertiary, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later just I decreed general mobilization. In my want to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the Neat War, caused my troops to withdraw 30 kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation.[15] War then took identify in the awful conditions which I have laid before the Associates. In that unequal struggle between a Regime commanding more than forty-ii million inhabitants, having at its disposal fiscal, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the virtually decease-dealing weapons, and, on the other mitt, a small people of twelve one thousand thousand inhabitants, without artillery, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own crusade and the promise of the League of Nations. What existent assistance was given to Ethiopia past the fifty two nations who had declared the Rome Authorities guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the attacker? Has each of us Members, as information technology was its duty to practice in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the assailant as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My conviction had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the result that aggression must not be rewarded, and that forcefulness would finish by existence compelled to bow before right.[sixteen] In Dec, 1935, the Council made information technology quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the earth, had protested confronting the proposal to amputate Ethiopia. Information technology was constantly repeated that in that location was not only a conflict betwixt the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if simply I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression.»[17]

—Haile Selassie I

What of Promises? [edit]

«What have become of the promises fabricated to me every bit long ago as Oct, 1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings nether the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to have any measures whatsoever in lodge to stop Italian aggression. On the reverse, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon every bit any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in guild to postpone even consideration of the measure out. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?[18] The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were non at pale. Ethiopian warriors asked merely for ways to defend themselves. On many occasions I accept asked for financial assistance for the purchase of artillery That aid has been constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security?[19]

The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Republic of djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards send of artillery intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the principal, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every Country Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral merely to come to the assistance not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is information technology today existence respected?[20]

Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the attacker has succeeded in occupying a big role of Ethiopian territory they propose non to proceed the application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the trouble submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. Information technology is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression.»

—Haile Selassie I

League Threatened [edit]

«Information technology is collective security: it is the very beingness of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each Country is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to have the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at pale. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value simply in so far every bit the signatory Powers have a personal, straight and immediate involvement involved?[21]

No subtlety can change the trouble or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a fourth dimension when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I exist immune to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the dominion of equality as betwixt all States Members of the League?

Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this world whatever nation that is superior to any other. Should information technology happen that a strong Regime finds information technology may with impunity destroy a weak people, so the hr strikes for that weak people to entreatment to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.»[22]

—Haile Selassie I

Assistance Refused [edit]

«I have heard information technology asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their object. At no time, and nether no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly practical, stop an aggressor. This is non a example of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor simply of the refusal to stop an assailant. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas fiscal assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries and exactly to 2 countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?[23]

Faced by numerous violations past the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit resort to artillery, and the apply of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not hateful in practice the abandonment of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the twenty-four hour period when I was nearly to endeavor a supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Associates does not this initiative deprive Federal democratic republic of ethiopia of ane of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of u.s.a. Members are entitled to expect from the keen Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the assailant face to confront with the achieved fact, are States going to set up the terrible precedent of bowing earlier force?[24] Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is information technology the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is defective? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Manufactures of the Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I asking the Assembly to accept all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protestation against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will non bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they volition use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of correct and the respect of the Covenant.[25] I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a hope to help them in their resistance to the assaulter, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of commonage security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may ane day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take?

Representatives of the Earth I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What answer shall I have to accept back to my people?.»[26]

—Haile Selassie I on June 30, 1936 in Geneva, Switzerland

See also [edit]

  • Haile Sellassie I

References [edit]

  1. ^ "Haile Selassie", mtholyoke.edu , retrieved 12 Baronial 2019 .
  2. ^ Haile Selassie I: Ethiopia'south Lion of Judah, 1979, ISBN 0-88229-342-seven
  3. ^ Haile Sellassie I, Emperor Haile Sellassie I (1976). My life and Ethiopia'south progress, 1892-1937: the autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I. Translated and annotated past Edward Ullendorff. New York: Oxford Academy Press, for the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 1976. Pp. xxxii, 335. ISBN978-1-849-04692-3.
  4. ^ Haile Sellassie I, Emperor Haile Sellassie I (2018). His Rise, His Autumn. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. ISBN9781626377547.
  5. ^ Haile Selassie's war: the Italian-Ethiopian Entrada, 1935–1941, 1984, ISBN 0-394-54222-3
  6. ^ Marcus, Harold M. (1994). A History of Ethiopia. London: University of California Printing. ISBN978-0-520-22479-vii.
  7. ^ Mockler, Anthony (2003). Haile Selassie'southward State of war. Signal Books. ISBN978-1-90266953-3.
  8. ^ "Haile Selassie", uv.es/ivorra/Historia , retrieved 12 August 2019 .
  9. ^ Haile Selassie, western pedagogy, and political revolution in Ethiopia, 2006, ISBN 978-1-934043-xx-ii
  10. ^ Selassie, Haile (1976), "My life and Ethiopia's progress, 1892-1937:the autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I", books.google.com.vn, ISBN9780197135891 , retrieved 12 August 2019 .
  11. ^ Murrell, Nathaniel Samuel; Spencer, William David; McFarlane, Adrian Anthony (1998). Chanting Downwardly Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Temple University Press. ISBN978-i-56639584-seven.
  12. ^ King of Kings: the triumph and tragedy of Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, 2015, ISBN 978-ane-910376-14-0
  13. ^ Roberts, Andrew Dunlop (1986). The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1905 to 1940. Vol. 7. Cambridge: Press Sindicate of the Academy of Cambridge. ISBN978-0-52122505-2.
  14. ^ "la sociedad de naciones y el fracas de la seguridad colectiva, 1931-1939 Miguel Garcìa Campos grado en historia. Facultad de geografìa east historia. Universidad complutense de Madrid]", academia.edu , retrieved 12 August 2019 .
  15. ^ Mosley, Leonard, Haile Selassie: The Acquisition Lion. Prentice Hall 1965 LCCN 65-11882
  16. ^ "Discurso de Su Majestad, Haile Selassie I, emperador de Etiopía, en la Asamblea de la Sociedad de Naciones, durante la sesión de junio-julio de 1936", wdl.org , retrieved 12 August 2019 .
  17. ^ Safire, William (1997), Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeches in History, W.W. Norton, ISBN978-0-39304005-0
  18. ^ Mosley, Leonard, Haile Selassie: The Acquisition Lion. Prentice Hall 1965 LCCN 65-11882
  19. ^ Selassie, Haile I (1999), My Life and Ethiopia'south Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Selassie I, translated from Amharic past Edward Ullendorff, New York: Frontline Books, ISBN978-0-948390-40-one
  20. ^ "Haile Selassie, "Appeal to the League of Nations," Writer Haile Selassie Engagement June 1936", aspire.aber.ac.uk , retrieved 12 August 2019 .
  21. ^ Shinn, David Hamilton; Ofcansky, Thomas P. (2004). Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. Scarecrow Press. ISBN978-0-81086566-ii.
  22. ^ "Distressed Negus". Time. 15 November 1937. Archived from the original on May 24, 2007. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
  23. ^ Mosley, Leonard, Haile Selassie: The Acquisition Lion. Prentice Hall 1965 LCCN 65-11882
  24. ^ Henze, Paul B (2000), ""The Rise of Haile Selassie: Time of Troubles, Regent, Emperor, Exile" and "Ethiopia in the Modern World: Haile Selassie from Triumph to Tragedy"", Layers of Time: A History of Federal democratic republic of ethiopia, New York: Palgrave, ISBN978-0-312-22719-7
  25. ^ Kapuściński, Ryszard (1978), The Emperor: Downfall of an Autocrat, ISBN978-0-679-72203-eight
  26. ^ Mosley, Leonard, Haile Selassie: The Conquering Lion. Prentice Hall 1965 LCCN 65-11882

Bibliography [edit]

  • Haile Sellassie I, Emperor Haile Sellassie I (1976). My life and Ethiopia's progress, 1892-1937: the autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I. Translated and annotated past Edward Ullendorff. New York: Oxford University Press, for the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 1976. Pp. xxxii, 335. ISBN978-i-849-04692-3.
  • Haile Sellassie I, Emperor Haile Sellassie I (2018). His Rise, His Fall. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. ISBN9781626377547.
  • Marcus, Harold Yard. (1994). A History of Ethiopia. London: University of California Printing. ISBN978-0-520-22479-7.
  • Mockler, Anthony (2003). Haile Selassie's War. Bespeak Books. ISBN978-1-90266953-3.
  • Murrell, Nathaniel Samuel; Spencer, William David; McFarlane, Adrian Anthony (1998). Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Temple University Press. ISBN978-one-56639584-vii.
  • Roberts, Andrew Dunlop (1986). The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1905 to 1940. Vol. 7. Cambridge: Press Sindicate of the University of Cambridge. ISBN978-0-52122505-ii.
  • Safire, William (1997), Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeches in History, W.W. Norton, ISBN978-0-39304005-0
  • Selassie, Haile I (1999), My Life and Ethiopia's Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Selassie I, translated from Amharic past Edward Ullendorff, New York: Frontline Books, ISBN978-0-948390-forty-1
  • Shinn, David Hamilton; Ofcansky, Thomas P. (2004). Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. Scarecrow Press. ISBN978-0-81086566-2.
  • "Distressed Negus". Time. 15 Nov 1937. Archived from the original on May 24, 2007. Retrieved 12 Baronial 2019.
  • White, Timothy, ed. (2006). Catch a Fire: The Life of Bob Marley. Henry Holt & Co. ISBN978-0-80508086-5.

Further reading [edit]

  • Henze, Paul B (2000), ""The Rise of Haile Selassie: Time of Troubles, Regent, Emperor, Exile" and "Ethiopia in the Modern Globe: Haile Selassie from Triumph to Tragedy"", Layers of Time: A History of Ethiopia, New York: Palgrave, ISBN978-0-312-22719-7
  • Kapuściński, Ryszard (1978), The Emperor: Downfall of an Autocrat, ISBN978-0-679-72203-viii
  • Haile Selassie I: Federal democratic republic of ethiopia's Panthera leo of Judah, 1979, ISBN 0-88229-342-7
  • Haile Selassie'south state of war: the Italian-Ethiopian Campaign, 1935–1941, 1984, ISBN 0-394-54222-3
  • Haile Selassie, western instruction, and political revolution in Ethiopia, 2006, ISBN 978-1-934043-20-2
  • Rex of Kings: the triumph and tragedy of Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, 2015, ISBN 978-ane-910376-xiv-0
  • Mosley, Leonard, Haile Selassie: The Conquering Lion. Prentice Hall 1965 LCCN 65-11882

External links [edit]

  • entreatment to the league of nations Haile Selassie June 1936(fulltext)
  • discurso de Haile Selassie I ante la sociedad de naciones 30 de junio de 1936
  • My life and Ethiopia's progress, 1892-1937: the autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I
  • la sociedad de naciones y el fracas de la seguridad colectiva, 1931-1939 Miguel Garcìa Campos grado en historia. Facultad de geografìa e historia. universidad complutense de Madrid(full text)
  • Discurso de Su Majestad, Haile Selassie I, emperador de Etiopía, en la Asamblea de la Sociedad de Naciones, durante la sesión de junio-julio de 1936
  • Haile Selassie, "Appeal to the League of Nations," Author Haile Selassie Engagement June 1936

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Appeal_to_the_League_of_Nations_Haile_Selassie_June_1936

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